The Kanuri people (Kanouri, Kanowri, also Yerwa, Bare Bari and several subgroup names) are an African ethnic group living largely in the lands of the former Kanem and Bornu Empires in Niger, Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon.
Those generally termed Kanuri include several subgroups and dialect groups, some of whom identify as distinct from the Kanuri.
Most trace their origins to ruling lineages of the medieval Kanem-Bornu Empire, and its client states or provinces. In contrast to the neighboring Toubou or Zaghawa pastoralists, Kanuri groups have traditionally been sedentary, engaging in farming, fishing the Chad Basin, and engaged in trade and salt processing.
They are called "Beri-beri" by the Hausa, but they seldom use the term themselves. Bornu Emirate, the major division of the province and the Kanuri homeland, has a history as a political entity that stretches back at least 1,100 years. It has been a Muslim emirate since the eleventh century. It is bordered on the north by the Republic of Niger, on the northeast by Chad, and on the east by Cameroon. Kanuri may be found in all of the major cities of northern Nigeria and in the neighboring sections of Chad and Niger. The southwestern section of the Republic of Niger is predominantly Kanuri.
The Kanuri people who are tall and very dark in appearance, with a stately and dignified look include several subgroups and dialect groups, some of whom feel themselves distinct from the Kanuri.
There are 3,628,000 (1991) Kanuri in Nigeria, representing 4.1 percent of the country's population. Kanuri also reside in Chad (100,000), Cameroon (56,500), and Niger (50,000). Most Kanuri live in the northeastern state of Borno (pop. 2,596,589).
The climate of the Kanuri region is typical sub-Saharan savanna. Rainfall averages 56 to 69 centimeters per year, nearly all of it falling from June to September. The harmattan, the wind off of the Sahara, blows cool from mid-December to mid-March, and then may heat up to 38° C. The temperature may remain that high for weeks at a time, until the rains start in June. Most of Borno is flat, except for the southwest, where the rugged Bauchi plateau rises steeply. The eastern part, on the shores of Lake Chad, is marshy. Because of the flatness of the terrain, the summer rains create swamps, and travel becomes impossible. The soil is sandy and is covered with scrub brush, scattered thorny trees, and occasional baobabs. There are also large flat surfaces of hard green clay at the bottoms of ridges, which provide material for buildings and pottery.
Kanuri peoples include several subgroups, and identify by different names in some regions. The Kanuri language, which derived from Kanembu, was the major language of the Borno Empire Kanuri remains a major language in southeastern Niger, northeastern Nigeria and northern Cameroon but in Chad it is limited to handfuls of speakers in urban centers.
The largest population of Kanuri reside in the northeast corner of Nigeria, where the ceremonial Emirate of Borno traces direct descent from the Kanem-Bornu empire, founded sometime before 1000 CE. Some 4 million Kanuri speakers live in Nigeria, not including the some 300,000 speakers of the Manga or Mangari dialect. The Nga people in Bauchi State trace their origins to a Kanuri diaspora.
In southeastern Niger, where they form the majority of the sedentary population, the Kanuri are commonly called Beri Beri ( a Hausa name). The 550,000 Kanuri population in Niger includes the Manga or Mangari subgroup, numbering some 300,000 in the area east of Zinder, who regard themselves as distinct from the Beri Beri. Around 60,000 members of the Tumari subgroup, sometimes called Kanembu in Niger, are a distinct Kanuri subgroup living in the N'guigmi area, and are distinct from the Chadian Kanembu people. In the Kaour escarpment oasis of eastern Niger, the Kanuri are further divided into the Bla Bla subgroup, numbering some 27,000, and are the dominat ethnic group in the salt evaporation and trade industry of Bilma.
Kanuri speak the Kanuri language, or one of its related languages a member of the Nilo-Saharan language family. Divisions include the Manga, Tumari, and Bilma dialects of Central Kanuri, and the more distinct Kanembu language.
The Kanuri language has the largest number of speakers of the Central Saharan Language Family, which has speakers from northern Nigeria to the Central Sudan. Kanuri is unrelated to Hausa, which is the most commonly spoken language in northern Nigeria. Most Kanuri can speak some Hausa.
Although there are semilegendary views about early Kanuri roots in Yemen, little is known of the earliest phases of Kanuri culture. Contemporary Kanuri are the descendants of the ruling Saifawa family of the Kanem Empire. As a result of civil war, this family left Kanem in the fourteenth century and, after nearly a century of internal strife, established a new empire southwest of Lake Chad. This empire was and is known as Bornu, although Borno is now its official name. The area to which the Saifawa moved was inhabited by various peoples about whom little is known. Now they are known collectively as the Sau—reputedly a race of giants. For a period of several centuries, the efforts of the Saifawa to consolidate their power and expand their kingdom's boundaries led to the incorporation of many distinctive groups within Kanuri society. This process has not ended. Intermarriage, commerce, politics, and other factors have combined to produce a people who are culturally heterogeneous.
The Kanuri have had a strong influence on surrounding peoples, which include the Budum of Lake Chad, the Mandara and Kotoko (or Mogori) who live southeast of the Kanuri, the Marghi of the Damboa district, the Babur in the hills south of the Kanuri, the Bolewa located southwest of the Kanuri, and the Bede of Gashua, within the Kanuri territory. All of these groups have acquired various aspects of Kanuri culture, mainly the Kanuri language and Islam. Many, including the Hausa, were at one time subjects of the Kanuri Empire.
The Kanuri are sedentary hoe agriculturists, although almost all of the men practice some other occupation as well. The economy is complex, with commerce, transportation, and construction constituting the other main elements of the private business sector. Government and public-service jobs provide another major source of employment today; manufacturing and industry are still relatively unimportant.
Millet is the staple food crop, supplemented by guinea corn (sorghum). Groundnuts (peanuts) are grown for sale. Hunting is of minor significance, but fish are an important resource to villages along the shores of Lake Chad and the Yobe River. Horses are symbols of prestige. Most households use donkeys as draft animals. Sheep and goats are commonly kept. For beef, most Kanuri rely on the pastoral Shuwa and Fulbe (Fulani, Peul) cattle herders, with whom they exchange grain and craft work for the beef they need. In a few areas, the Kanuri keep large herds of cattle.
The Kanuri diet consists of large quantities of millet, served either as porridge or as dumplings. A vegetable soup, also containing meat, groundnut oil, salt, and other condiments —especially red peppers—is poured over the millet. The diet is universal, but the soup contents vary according to socioeconomic class. Cooked foods are sold in the markets, and a wide range of canned foods are available to city dwellers. Goats and sheep are slaughtered for religious ceremonies. Islamic food taboos are observed.
The Kanuri are sedentary hoe agriculturists, although almost all of the men practice some other occupation as well. The economy is complex, with commerce, transportation, and construction constituting the other main elements of the private business sector. Government and public-service jobs provide another major source of employment today; manufacturing and industry are still relatively unimportant.
Millet is the staple food crop, supplemented by guinea corn (sorghum). Groundnuts (peanuts) are grown for sale. Hunting is of minor significance, but fish are an important resource to villages along the shores of Lake Chad and the Yobe River. Horses are symbols of prestige. Most households use donkeys as draft animals. Sheep and goats are commonly kept. For beef, most Kanuri rely on the pastoral Shuwa and Fulbe (Fulani, Peul) cattle herders, with whom they exchange grain and craft work for the beef they need. In a few areas, the Kanuri keep large herds of cattle.
The Kanuri diet consists of large quantities of millet, served either as porridge or as dumplings. A vegetable soup, also containing meat, groundnut oil, salt, and other condiments —especially red peppers—is poured over the millet. The diet is universal, but the soup contents vary according to socioeconomic class. Cooked foods are sold in the markets, and a wide range of canned foods are available to city dwellers. Goats and sheep are slaughtered for religious ceremonies. Islamic food taboos are observed.
The Kanuri live in settlements ranging in size from the large city of Maiduguri--which is the capital of Borno and has a population of 275,000 (1990)--to tiny hamlets of three or four households. About two-thirds of the population live in villages of from 1,000 to 5,000 people. About one-quarter live in cities of more than 10,000. Hamlets are found about every 1.5 to 3 kilometers, and larger villages every 8 or 10 kilometers. Settlements are comprised of walled compounds, made up of mud- or grass-mat-walled houses, with thatched conical roofs. Farms extend in a circle from the settlement, with scattered farms, pastures, and free land beyond.
Each medium size village holds a market once a week on a specific day, except on Fridays, the Muslim Sabbath. Under this system, there is a market every day within a five to ten kilometer radius of any one village. Markets are referred to by the day of the week on which they are held. Each village shares some, but not all, of their markets with other villages, linking the entire countryside in an overlapping network of weekly market cycles. In this way certain commodities are traded widely throughout a region.
The Kanuri have been long time traders. The Kanem-Bornu Kingdom was partly an effect of the trans-Saharan trade. The Kanuri occupied an important position on the trade routes linking North and West Africa and established colonies in the Western Sudan and Sahara to secure their trade routes, for example the Saharan town of Bilma which lay halfway between Lake Chad and Tripoli. The major items of trade were slaves, cotton cloth and iron. The trans-Saharan trade was disrupted with the division of Africa among the colonial powers at the end of the nineteenth century.
Farming, craft production, trade, and government are the main occupations. The first two are usually combined in rural households and involve both men and women. The last two strictly male occupations. Butchers, blacksmiths, barbers, petty brokers, money lenders, and drummer-entertainers are low-status occupations.
In the past, the Kanuri had a feudal tenure system. Nobles lived in the capital and administered their land holdings through subordinates. Fiefs were not fixed, but could be redistributed, re-divided or broken up at the pleasure of the monarch. Furthermore, the fiefs of each noble were dispersed throughout the kingdom undermining the possibility of him establishing a localized power base. In 1914, The British consolidated the fiefs into 21 large districts each with an appointed district head who answered to a chief minister, WAZIRI, and council (Native Authority council). The new bureaucracy undermined the power of the monarch by limiting the number of government offices the monarch could offer his political followers.
Although agnatic relations take precedence for legal matters and inheritance, kin relations are recognized through both lines. Kin terms make no distinctions for agnates above the parental generation or for cousins, who are all classed as brothers and sisters. Agnates generally live together in their own wards within a city, town, or village. Although there are no corporate lineages as such, in the eyes of the law these groups of neighboring agnates are treated as corporate units, in the sense that they are responsible for the actions of their members. People without agnates upon whom they can depend are social outcasts.
The most important criteria distinguishing kin are generation and birth order, expressing the significance of seniority in Kanuri society. In-laws are also grouped into junior and senior categories. Kin and affines with at least one intervening generation between them practice terminological reciprocity, that is, they address themselves by the same name. Sex differentiation occurs only in the parent and child generations. All members of the first descendent generation (siblings and cousins) are lumped together (keeping sex distinctions.) Parallel and cross cousins are distinguished in the parent generation. This mixed terminological system suggests that the Kanuri had a unilineal past before they became more sedentary during the eleventh to thirteenth centuries.
The basic socioeconomic unit is the virilocal extended family, each of which occupies a single walled compound. Although this type of unit is the ideal, neolocality is actually more common. In the case of traditional aristocracy and royalty, the households included slaves, concubines, and numerous retainers and adopted children in addition to the nuclear family. At this social level, the household is not strictly a kin group, although the relations are patterned on kin relations, and kin terms are used.
Social relations in Kanuri society are generally patterned upon those of the idealized family, the most common being the father-son/superior-subordinate relation. A man's prestige is based on the size of his household and the number of his patron-client relationships. His followers provide farm and household labor, support, and defense; in return, he provides food, clothing, bride-price, and possibly a bride, to each of them. Given that a man's status increases or diminishes with that of his household, regardless of his position within it, there is a premium on loyalty to the master.
For men, marriage usually occurs first at about age 20, and for women, at about age 14. The preferred marriage for a man is to a young virgin, 10 to 14 years of age. But this is a very expensive form of marriage, and most men cannot afford it as a first marriage, when they are themselves usually in their late teens to mid-twenties. The more common first marriage is to a divorcée, for whom the bride-wealth payments are much lower. The rate of divorce is extremely high, approaching 80 percent of all marriages. In case of divorce, children stay with the father. Marriage between cousins sometimes occurs, a form that also results in a reduced bride-price.
In accordance with Islamic law, polygyny is permitted. Concubinage is also practiced, although far less commonly than polygyny. Ideally, married Kanuri women are secluded. This practice is rare in rural areas, where the economic role of women is vital, but it is rather common in large cities, such as Maiduguri.
Although agnatic relations take precedence for legal matters and inheritance, kin relations are recognized through both lines. Kin terms make no distinctions for agnates above the parental generation or for cousins, who are all classed as brothers and sisters. Agnates generally live together in their own wards within a city, town, or village. Although there are no corporate lineages as such, in the eyes of the law these groups of neighboring agnates are treated as corporate units, in the sense that they are responsible for the actions of their members. People without agnates upon whom they can depend are social outcasts.
The Kanuri live in settlements ranging in size from the large city of Maiduguri—which is the capital of Borno and has a population of 80,000—to tiny hamlets of three or four households. About two-thirds of the population live in villages of from 1,000 to 5,000 people. About one-quarter live in cities of more than 10,000. Hamlets are found about every 1.5 to 3 kilometers, and larger villages every 8 or 10 kilometers. Settlements are composed of walled compounds, made up of mud- or grass-mat-walled houses, with thatched conical roofs. Farms extend in a circle from the settlement, with scattered farms, pastures, and free land beyond.
Before European contact, Bornu was a feudal state, with royal lineages, a landholding aristocracy, peasants, and slaves. Today, in almost all cases, important political leaders are descendants of the aristocratic lineages, but popular elections have added commoners to their ranks. When the British took control at the beginning of the twentieth century, they abolished slavery and took over the top decision-making positions, but they left most of the social system intact. In small villages, there is little or no labor specialization, and differences in wealth are slight. In towns and cities, however, social stratification is pronounced, and differences in wealth may be great. New trading opportunities, Western education, and political power through election and financial support of others have all served to create a situation in which there are many commoners who have become as wealthy as the aristocrate.
Relationships between social unequals, in which each person has diffuse obligations to and expectations of the other, is still an integral part of Kanuri culture today. In the past, the principal contrast was between the nobility and royalty, on the one hand, and commoners, on the other. Today this contrast is being transformed to one between the modern, educated, bureaucratic elite and the traditional, illiterate peasantry. Occupations that are related to politics and religion have high status, whereas those that are associated with things thought to be dirty have low status. Quranic scholars and individuals with political positions have high status, but barbers, blacksmiths, well diggers, tanners, and butchers have very low status. In between are the great bulk of commoners who are farmers, artisans, and traders. Musicians (classed as beggars) and moneylenders (who, because they charge interest, are viewed as violators of Islamic law) hold the lowest status of all.
Another major dimension of social inequality in Borno is between men and women. In a pattern that reflects Islamic law as it is interpreted locally, women are legally and socially inferior to men, and they are considered a major source of instability. Accordingly, various civil and social rights are denied to women.
The Bornu Emirate is a political entity and is viewed as such by its inhabitants. Its present political structure is a result of the colonial era, but is still largely based on precolonial values, traditions, and ideology. The shehu, or king, is both the political and the religious leader of the emirate. There are twenty-one districts, each with a district head—usually a member of the aristocracy—and a district capital. The districts are composed of villages, each with its own headman ( lawan ), and of towns and cities, each of which may have more than one headman. Villages, towns, and cities are composed of wards and surrounding hamlets. Wards and hamlets are each run by a bullama, usually the founder or senior male.
The basic socioeconomic unit is the virilocal extended family, which occupies a single walled compound. Although this type of unit is the ideal, neolocality is actually more common. In the case of traditional aristocracy and royalty, the households included slaves, concubines, and numerous retainers and adopted children. At this social level, the household is not strictly a kin group, although the relations are patterned on kin relations, and kin terms are used.
Social relations in Kanuri society are generally patterned upon those of the idealized family, the most common being the father- son/superior-subordinate relation. A man's prestige is based on the size of his household and the number of his clients. His followers provide farm and household labor, political support, and defense; in return, he provides food, clothing, bride-price, and possibly a bride, to each of them. Given that a man's status increases or diminishes with that of the household, regardless of his position within it, there is a premium on loyalty to the master.
Following Islamic inheritance prescriptions, males obtain two parts of inherited wealth to every one given to a female descendent. One may inherit from the mother's side of the family if there are no heirs among the patrilineal relations of the mother's descent group.
Parents inculcate in their children the conventional Kanuri norms of conduct regarding proper behavior in personal relations. Sons learn to be completely loyal, obedient and subservient to their fathers in exchange for protection, security, food and shelter. This relationship of discipline and trust, BERZUM, becomes a model for all patron-client relationships which form most of Kanuri political relationships.
Before European contact, Bornu was a feudal state, with royal lineages, a land holding aristocracy, peasants, and slaves. In the post-colonial period, nearly all the important political leaders are descendants of the aristocratic lineages, but popular elections have added commoners to their ranks. When the British took control at the beginning of the twentieth century, they abolished slavery and took over the top decision-making positions, but they left most of the social system intact. In small villages, there is little or no labor specialization, and differences in wealth are slight. In towns and cities, however, social stratification is pronounced, and differences in wealth may be great. New trading opportunities, Western education, and political power through election and financial support of others have all served to create a situation in which there are many commoners who have become as wealthy as the aristocrats. Relationships between social unequals, in which each person has diffuse obligations to and expectations of the other, is still an integral part of Kanuri culture. In the past, the principal contrast was between the nobility, including the royal family, on the one hand, and commoners, on the other. Today this contrast is being transformed to one between the modern, educated, bureaucratic elite and the traditional, illiterate peasantry.
Occupations that are related to politics and religion have high status, whereas those that are associated with things thought to be dirty, i.e. barbers, blacksmiths, well diggers, tanners, and butchers, have very low status. In between are the great bulk of commoners who are farmers, artisans, and traders. Musicians (classed as beggars) and moneylenders (who, because they charge interest, are viewed as violators of Islamic law) hold the lowest status of all. Another major dimension of social inequality in Borno is between men and women. In a pattern that reflects Islamic law as it is interpreted locally, women are legally and socially inferior to men, and they are considered a major source of instability. Accordingly, various civil and social rights are denied to women.
Borno State is one of 30 (as of 1987) states in Nigeria. Although the local political organization was restructured during and again after the colonial era, it is still largely based on precolonial values, traditions, and ideology. The SHEHU, or king, is both the political and the religious leader, although he has become more marginalized by a growing bureaucratic elite. There are twenty-one districts, each with a district head--usually a member of the aristocracy--and a district capital. The districts are composed of villages, each with its own headman (LAWAN), and of towns and cities, which may have more than one headman. Villages, towns, and cities are composed of wards or hamlets which are run by a BULAMA, usually the founder or head of the largest household.
To be a good man or woman is to be a good Muslim. The Kanuri have been Muslims since the eleventh century, and Islam influences their law, education, and social organization. The Malakite version of Islamic law is administered by an ALKALI (judge) who has been trained at the Kano Law School. However, all leaders in the Borno political system can adjudicate disputes, i.e. heads of wards, villages, towns or districts. The political hierarchy serves as an appeals court system. Cases are tried by a combination of Muslim law and local custom. The use of witnesses swearing on the evidence, called "eating the Quran," is significant in influencing the verdict.
Traditional education is based on the Quran. According to its teachings, one should be properly humble and respectful of superiors and not prone to false pride. Also, one should be devout in both rituals and thoughts. In this way, women are expected to play a subordinate role to men in the family and any defiance of male authority results more often than not in divorce. Kanuri suffer from an extremely high divorce rate, although the family itself remains a stable institution.
A source of potential conflict lies between the household retainers of political leaders and other residents of the community. The former hold only allegiance to their patron and not to anyone else in the community. However when disputes do arise over adultery, theft or some perceived insult, it is the leader's interest when adjudicating the dispute to render a verdict in favor of the resident and compensate him or her in some way. Another source of tension lies among half-siblings especially over issues concerning inheritance. Conflicts over inheritance also occur between the wife of the deceased and her husband's siblings, as well as, between the deceased's siblings and his children. Within marriage there is always tension between husband and wife over the expected deference to male authority in the household. Not all women comply to such strictures and not all men are able to enforce compliance, the result often being divorce. After Nigeria's independence in 1960, the tensions between the two dominant political parties in Borno erupted into a bloody confrontation such that today there is only one party with which all Kanuri are affiliated. According to Cohen (1970), the potential class conflict between nobility and commoners is ameliorated by the many vertical patron-client relationships which tie commoners to the interests of the powerful few.
The Kanuri have been Muslims since the eleventh century. Law, education, and social organization are the parts of their culture that have been most affected by Islam. The Malakite version of Islamic law is administered by an alkali (judge) who has been trained at the Kano Law School. Traditional education is in the Quran. Social organization emphasizes the importance of the nuclear family and the supreme authority of the father.
Today Islam is the central ideological force in the daily lives of the Kanuri, affecting the thinking and behavior of the people in every way. The full ritual calendar of the Muslim year is followed, the fast is faithfully kept by all who are required to do so by traditional laws, and the other pillars of Islam are religiously followed by the great majority. Despite the strength of this orthodoxy, a few superimposed superstitious practices, such as the wearing of charms and amulets, are considered by most of the populace as acceptably Islamic. Of the various Sufi brotherhoods in Nigeria, the dominant one in Borno appears to be that of the Tijaniya.
Most life crises are marked by religious ceremony. Naming, circumcision, marriage and burials all have a religious aspect. Ceremonial holidays follow the Muslim calendar and include the new year, the prophet's birthday, the sacrifice of the ram, and the month of Ramadan. As Muslims, the Kanuri are required to pray five times a day and on Fridays attend to the Mosque for prayers.
The Kanuri decorate their vessels with distinctive geometric patterns. Traditionally men's faces were scarred also in geometric patterns signifying their tribal allegiance. There are also praise-singers, or drummer-entertainers, who are employed at gatherings to sing the praises of whoever will pay them.
Among the Kanuri as with many other Muslim peoples, there is a strong belief in the efficacy of the written word of the Quran. Quranic verses are bound in decorative leather cases and worn on a necklace as a protective charm (LAYA). Sickness and death are believed to be the result of someone's or some spirit's (JINN) evil intentions. One cure, called ALO, involves the MALAM writing a Quranic verse on a wooden board, washing the ink off into a vessel and then having the patient drink it. Besides the MALAM, there are secular specialists who deal with physical ailments such as muscular pains, swellings and broken bones. Kanuri also will seek the advice and treatment of Western- trained doctors.
The Kanuri have an accepting attitude towards death and have a strong compulsion to go to funerals. Not to go to a funeral--even of a low status neighbor--is unthinkable. The more people in attendance, the more prayers are offered, and the better are the chances of the deceased person to reach paradise. The funeral ceremony is simple: The body is washed, wrapped in a white cloth, placed on a bier and taken to the burial grounds. At the burial site, mourners pray and wail. Mourning lasts for a period of 40 days wherein special prayers are said daily and men stay close to home.
There are several types of Kanuri garments and caps. Sheriff (2004) identified as many as thirty types of garments for the males and eight for the females.
There is a strong contention among the Kanuri people that when one is in Western dress, he is as good as naked. Most Western, or as it is sometimes called, English, dress exposes parts of the body. Many types of garments are tighter and smaller compared to the Kulwu, Gəmaje and Dankiki of the Kanuri people. According to Baba Liman Amsami, who is about eighty five (85) years old, if a man is not completely dressed in his Kulwu, Gəmaje or Dankiki, Yange, and Zawa, he is considered deviant in Kanuri society.
Furthermore, (1) he is not a trustworthy person, (2) he is not allowed to lead people during the five daily prayers, or any activities for that matter, and (3) such a person is not even allowed to stand in the front row when performing the five daily prayers. If a person in T-Shirt or a shirt stands in the front row, elders would quickly drag him out or order him back to the last row. One could hear the elders saying:
gəmajenəm ngurnenəmma zaksənyi. ‘Your shirt has not even covered your wrist’. And some often says: Kazəmunəm anyi datəbewonya ngutəbe gənyi. Abinəmma gəraata bade. ‘Your clothes are not for you to just keep standing but for prostration. Your whole body is exposed. Our observations in a mosque situated in Mairi village, near Gate Four, University of Maiduguri, for a good nine calendar months ‘Between’ 28th January, 2009 to 2nd October, 2009 have confirmed such an attitude among the Kanuri people.
Four major types of traditional Kanuri male garments are worn. These are the Kulwu, Gəmaje Dankiki (the Hausas have ‘yar ciki’ which is of the same type and use as the Kanuris) and Yange. Under each are several sub-types, some of which, as rightly observed in Sheriff (2004), are: Kulwu Kajibe. Kulwu Kajibe is a type of hand made Kanuri gown made of strips of gawaa. It is heavy and very strong. Kororopci. The Kororopci type of Kanuri gown is black and shiny, and can be worn by all persons.
Kulwu Nashibe. A light blue gown. Any one who wears it notices his body, especially his arms, coloured by the indigo from the gown.
Təwuski. A type of gown with round neck and two pockets in front.
Kulwu indi dawu tiloa. This is a double gown with a single neck, worn on social occasions.
Kulwu Dawungasho. This type of gown derives its name from the style of dying. It is dyed to resemble the two-colour shape of the neck of a stork.
The Gəmaje. This is a kind of dress (mufti) that covers from the neck to the shin. Like the Kulwu or gown, Gəmaje are also of different types in Kanuri. Some of these are: gəmaje ambuka, gəmaje diwadiwa, gəmaje səre, etc. Both Gəmaje ambuka and Diwadiwa have long sleeves covering the wrists. Their difference lies in the end of the sleeves. For the ambuka, the end of the sleeve holds tightly to the wrist with buttons or clips, while the sleeve of the Diwadiwa is flat. The səre is a double garment. It has one neck. Preferably, the inner one could be plain cloth and the one on top a decorative fabric.
The Dankiki. Described as a sleeveless Kanuri traditional garment. It is distinguished from other Kanuri garments by its sides always being half open, like a window without cover. Like the Kulwu and Gəmaje, Dankiki are seen in several types, some of which are Dankiki kumbam and Dankiki janaaa. They are distinguished by their decorations and style of sewing.
The Yange: The word Yange is generally translated as ‘trousers’. Traditional Kanuri trousers are exceptionally large. They are made up of at least four to six yards of a fabric and worn without pants. Two types of trousers are identified, namely yange dərwali and yange cirtanaa, which are distinguished by the type of embroidery used on them. The cirtanaa type has beautiful embroidery made on the lower end of the leg with a thread called cirtana, while the dərwali type has no embroidery made on it. It is a plain and flat trouser.
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